The Ivory Fortress

May 20 | 2022

University cannot help its community if it itself needs help. How to defend itself?

Dara Melnyk

 

Photo: Plato, perhaps, could imagine an institution like MIT, but would not be able to see it built. Photo: Madcoverboy (talk), CC BY-SA 3.0

 

Legend has it that Nalanda, a Buddhist monastic university which operated in India from the 5th to the 13th century, was burnt three times, but rebuilt only twice. This is but one of the beads in a long necklace of tragic institutional histories of universities worldwide.

Nalanda University, ancient Nalanda’s modern successor, opened its doors in 2014. It is a large-scale international project, which, regardless of its future success, sends a powerful message: we can restore what we have lost.

The same year modern-day Nalanda received its first students, 18 higher education institutions became displaced because of the armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine.

In 2022, because of Russia’s invasion, more Ukrainian universities have come into direct danger.

In the same year across the border, over 700 Russian and over 50 Belarusian universities entered an era of isolation and fear. While we can restore higher education institutions, we cannot protect them.

During the last decade alone, scholars and universities from Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Yemen, Myanmar, Turkey, Hungary, Belarus, Ukraine, and Russia among others, have issued calls of distress.

Higher education is fragile and must be protected from threats to its ability to do what it does best: to pursue knowledge. Moreover, university protection should occupy as big a place on the international academic community’s agenda as the issues of quality assurance or access.

 

Red, orange, yellow, and green zone universities

Red Zone. Universities in territories with armed conflicts, like Ukraine, face physical threats. These can be called “red zone universities”. The Ukrainian higher education system faces process disruption, physical destruction of campuses, budgetary problems, mental health issues as a result of acute stress, and brain drain.

 

Orange Zone. Universities in states with hostile political regimes, like Russia and Belarus, are “orange zone universities”. While “red zone universities” stay universities at their core, but cannot operate with full capacity or at all, “orange zone universities” stay operational, but are forced to abdicate key university functions.

Mechanisms of university protection, designed for democratic societies, fail in authoritarian states. When a political regime changes, the principles of higher education system functioning change, too. Two processes unfold simultaneously.

  • The first one is a change in university characteristics, functions, and behavior. To remain open under authoritarian governments, higher education institutions cease being sites of free inquiry and debate, stop democratic dialogue and restrict the development of critical thinking and scientific mindset.
  • The second one is the decrease of the international academic community’s influence. International academic community can aid individual scholars and students, but it does not have a way to shield higher education institutions.

 

Yellow and Green Zones. This concerns every higher education institution, not just the universities that are currently in trouble. Higher education worldwide is fundamentally insecure from politically-induced risks, as a conflict can arise in any state. “Yellow zone universities” are the ones potentially, but not actually at risk, and “green zone universities” are institutions with no signs of trouble on the horizon. The former are situated in tumultuous states with recent or looming conflicts, and the latter operate in full democracies with no current international disputes. Even those two groups seem safe, they should still think about ways to increase their security.

In the quote, attributed to Rumi, a Persian poet, the wound is the place where the light enters you. The current conflict in Eastern Europe exposes threats universities face and how different elements like community outreach, university autonomy, institutional security, and internationalization fit together.

Understanding the consequences of the conflict is the first step towards modeling new ways to strengthen universities.

The second step would be actually making changes to how universities think about their safety.

 

The Ivory Fortress

The Ivory Fortress is a protected university-sanctuary, a special mode universities switch to in times of need. What would enable it?

First of all, scenario planning should become a required and serious undertaking for any leadership team. It is surprising how many higher education institutions never plan for negative scenarios.

I have recently talked with an expert on higher education in one of the countries I am working with. She lamented: “The pandemic has taught us nothing! Now the war in Ukraine is teaching us nothing!”.

Defensive walls should be built before an attack. Every university should invest resources into planning future scenarios.

This is where contingency plans come in. Few universities have a dedicated fund for institutional emergencies, but it seems a prudent investment. So would be signed agreements with a fair number of national and foreigh institutions ensuring help in the times of need.

These are only starting points. The more vulnerable a university is (the more politically active, the closer to potential zones of conflict, and so on), the firmer and more detailed should contingency plans be.

Finally, university capacity building is not only a good in itself, but is also one of safeguarding mechanisms. Impactful institutions can call in more favors and mobilize more resources. What makes universities stronger? The list is potentially endless, but three levers stand out.

  • First, insiders in power structures: graduates, partners, faculty, and members of the governing board. At the very least, contacts outside can issue an early warning.
  • Second, university alliances: one institution is an island, but a network can make a difference.
  • The third and final lever are international connections.

 

Global universities

A truly protected university is not just international, but global. It can uproot quicker, taking its operations to a safer context. It can be argued that higher education institutions are local, “anchor organisations” or national projects. However, there have been cases of evacuation in order to preserve universities’ identity and knowledge since the beginning of their history (the Oxford University’s scholars fleeing to other cities, including Cambridge, in the Middle Ages is an early example).

In the end of the day, a higher education institution cannot help its community if it itself needs help.

 

* * *

Apart from a few isolated cases, a global university is still more a dream than a reality, and so is a secure one. However, higher education keeps transforming.

Plato, perhaps, could imagine an institution like MIT – Massachusetts Institute of Technology – (I certainly would not want to underestimate Plato!), but would not be able to see it built.

The Humboldtian University model could not be conceived before the Enlightenment, and Minerva University was impossible before the Internet.

If we cannot model Ivory Fortresses now, it does not mean that they cannot exist.

 

Dara Melnyk consults on strategy and execution in higher education. She is also a PhD candidate at Maastricht University.

Conference

School of Entrepreneurship and Innovation, Almaty Management University

Almaty, 31 October 2 November 2024

 

Academic freedom is a cornerstone of scholarly and research activities worldwide. The globalization of higher education and science necessitates a shared understanding of academic freedom principles globally, particularly in Eurasian countries. Despite the universality of academic freedom, the commitment to its protection and promotion varies and is shaped by the intricate interplay of legal, socio-political, and cultural contexts. A country’s legal regulations and policy frameworks significantly impact how the protection and promotion of academic freedom are understood and implemented.

The quality of democracy and freedom protection in a country also affects the level of academic freedom there. This effect is evident in the rapid challenges all political systems face, such as managerialism and consumerism in higher education. It is even more pronounced in undemocratic regimes with breaches of institutional autonomy and ideologization of higher education.

Equally striking is how the global academy interprets academic freedom when it encounters local traditions that are not universally democratic. In this regard, the operation of campuses of leading universities in authoritarian countries and the debates about the principles and conditions of their operation deserve additional interest.

These observable diversities raise the question of whether global academic freedom can be discussed as a universal concept and how to distinguish the diversity of academic freedom manifestations from aberrations. It also raises the question of how to protect and promote academic freedom as a principle while considering the legal, socio-economic, and cultural contexts in which it is practiced.

For a conference exploring the complexities of academic freedom in a global context, with a particular focus on Eurasian countries, here are some potential topics that could be addressed:

  • The cultural and social context of academic freedom in practice, the contextualization of academic freedom, its cultural and political interpretations, and the universality of academic freedom.
  • Academic freedom in democratic vs. authoritarian regimes, the balance between the social-economic dimension of academic freedom and political rights’ dimension,
  • Legal framework of academic freedom, comparative analyses of legislation, the impact of legal tradition on the application of academic freedom in different countries,
  • Globalization and academic freedom, including academic freedom on international campuses, academic exchange, and academic freedom strategies for maintaining academic standards and freedom in diverse political landscapes.
  • Managerialism and academic freedom, balance between financial sustainability and scholarly independence. Academic integrity and academic freedom
  • Effect of the social and political crises for the academic freedom, academic freedom for persecuted scholars: issues and supports of the scholars in exile
  • Ethnic and moral considerations in upholding academic freedom, including ethical dilemmas scholars faced due to the conflict between national and international academic standards.

The conference is organized by CISRus (Center for Independent Social Research) with generous support of Almaty Management University (AlmaU) and in information partnership with Ghent University.

The conference will be conducted in English. We welcome applications for individual contributions, which should include the title, a brief description (up to 200 words), and a short academic biography of the presenter (approximately 100 words). Presentations will be organized in either thematic panels or roundtable discussions. The organizing committee reserves the right to determine the presentation format (panel or round table) for each selected participant.

Please send your applications to the email: freeacademia.conference@gmail.com

 

Application Deadline: July 31, 2024

The Conference Committee is ready to provide accommodation for all participants for the days of the conference and has some capacity to contribute to the ticket costs as well. Please indicate your need for accommodation and travel expenses with your application.

 

The conference committee:

Dmitry Dubrovsky (Research Scholar, Department of Social Science, Charles University; Professor, Free University)

 Aleksandr Vileikis (Professor, School of entrepreneurship and innovation, AlmaU)

Elizaveta Potapova (Senior Researcher, Public Policy and Management Institute, Lithuania)

Irina Olimpieva (Director CISRus, Research Professor at the Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, George Washington University)

 

About AlmaU:

Almaty Management University – is a world-class, entrepreneurial, socially responsible university. More than 35 years in the education market, the oldest private university in the country, the 1st business school of the Republic of Kazakhstan, a pioneer of business education in the CIS.

The School of Entrepreneurship and Innovation (SEI) is a leading and internationally accredited (BGA&AMBA) entrepreneurship school with a commitment to excellence, innovation, and global perspective. SEI AlmaU offers a range of cutting-edge entrepreneurship programs designed to prepare students for successful careers in diverse fields.

 

Information for traveling:

Kazakhstan has adopted a policy allowing dozens of countries to enter without a visa. Please contact your local Kazakhstani embassy for further details. For guests who may require a visa, AlmaU will issue a letter of invitation confirming their participation in the conference. Participants will also receive information about housing and traveling to Almaty.

 

Біз сіздермен Алматыда кездесуді асыға күтеміз !

We are looking forward to meeting you in Almaty!

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